View source for Social:Austro-Tai languages

{{Short description|Proposed language family}}
{{Infobox language family
| name = Austro-Tai
| acceptance = proposed
| region = [[Place:Southeast Asia|Southeast Asia]], [[Place:East Asia|East Asia]]
| familycolor = Superfamily
| family = proposed language family
| child1 = [[Social:Austronesian languages|Austronesian]]
| child2 = [[Social:Kra–Dai languages|Kra–Dai]]
| child3 = 
| glotto = none
| ancestor = 
| glottoname = 
| glottorefname = 
| notes = 
}}
The '''Austro-Tai languages''', sometimes also '''Austro-Thai languages''', are a proposed language family that comprises the [[Social:Austronesian languages|Austronesian languages]] and the [[Social:Kra–Dai languages|Kra–Dai languages]].

Related proposals include [[Social:Austric languages|Austric]] (Wilhelm Schmidt in 1906) and [[Social:Sino-Austronesian languages|Sino-Austronesian]] (Laurent Sagart in 1990, 2005).

==Origins==
The [[Social:Kra–Dai languages|Kra–Dai languages]] contain numerous similar forms with Austronesian which were noticed as far back as Schlegel in 1901.<ref>Schlegel, G. (1901). Review of Frankfurter's Siamese grammar. ''Tʻoung Pao'' 2:76–87.</ref> These are considered to be too many to explain as chance resemblance.<ref>Reid, L. A. (2006). "Austro-Tai Hypotheses". Pp. 740–741 in Keith Brown (editor in chief), ''The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics'', 2nd edition.</ref> The question then is whether they are due to language contact (i.e., borrowing) or to common descent (i.e., a genealogical relationship).

==Evidence==
[[File:Gerner Tai-Kadai migration route.png|thumb|300px|Tai-Kadai migration route according to Matthias Gerner's ''Northeast to Southwest Hypothesis''.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Gerner |first1=Matthias |date=2014 |title=Project Discussion: The Austro-Tai Hypothesis. The 14th International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics (IsCLL-14) |page=158 |url=http://iscll-14.ling.sinica.edu.tw/files-pdf/Papers/Session4/Gerner.pdf}}</ref>]]
[[File:Austroneske jazyky.jpg|thumb|right|250px|Distribution of the Austronesian languages]]

The first proposal of a genealogical relationship was that of Paul Benedict in 1942, which he expanded upon through 1990. This took the form of an expansion of Wilhelm Schmidt's [[Social:Austric languages|Austric phylum]], and posited that Kra–Dai and Austronesian had a sister relationship within Austric, which Benedict then accepted. Benedict later abandoned Austric but maintained his Austro-Tai proposal, adding the [[Social:Japonic languages|Japonic languages]] to the proposal as well.<ref>Benedict (1990).</ref> The proposal remained controversial among linguists, especially after the publication of Benedict (1975) whose methods of reconstruction were idiosyncratic and considered unreliable. For example, Thurgood (1994) examined Benedict's claims and concluded that since the sound correspondences and tonal developments were irregular, there was no evidence of a genealogical relationship, and the numerous cognates must be chalked up to early language contact.<ref>Thurgood (1994).</ref>

However, the fact that many of the Austro-Tai cognates are found in core vocabulary, which is generally more resistant to borrowing, continued to intrigue scholars. There were later several advances over Benedict's approach: Abandoning the larger Austric proposal; focusing on lexical reconstruction and regular sound correspondences; including data from additional branches of Kra–Dai, Hlai and Kra; using better reconstructions of Kra–Dai; and reconsidering the nature of the relationship, with Kra–Dai possibly being a branch (daughter) of Austronesian.<ref>Reid (2006).</ref>

Sagart (2005a) cited a core of regular sound correspondences relating words belonging to the basic vocabulary in Benedict's work. He pointed out the lack of a substantial body of shared cultural words. He took these facts as indications that Benedict's Austro-Tai cannot be explained as a contact phenomenon. He further listed a number of specifically Malayo-Polynesian features in the vocabulary shared by Tai-Kadai and Austronesian, concluding that Tai-Kadai is a subgroup within Austronesian, rather than a sister group to it.

Ostapirat (2000) reconstructed [[Social:Proto-Kra|proto-Kra]], one of the least-well attested branches of Kra–Dai. Ostapirat (2005) later presented fifty core vocabulary items found in all five branches of Kra–Dai, and demonstrated that half of them—words such as ''child, eat, eye, fire, hand, head, I, you, louse, moon, tooth, water, this'', etc.—can be related to [[Social:Proto-Austronesian|proto-Austronesian]] by regular sound correspondences, a connection which Reid (2006) finds convincing.<ref>"Data such as these [i.e. Ostapirat (2005) and Sagart (2004)] establish beyond any doubt that a genetic relationship exists between the two families." Reid 2006, p. 610.</ref>

Austronesian is characterized by disyllabic roots, whereas Kra–Dai is predominantly monosyllabic. It appears that in Kra–Dai, the first vowel reduced and then dropped out, leaving a consonant cluster which frequently reduced further to a single consonant. For example, the proto-Austronesian root *{{transl|map|italic=no|qudip}} "live, raw" corresponds to proto-Kra ''{{IPA|(k-)Dep}}'' and its reflex ''{{IPA|ktʰop}}'' in Laha, as well as Tai ''{{IPA|dip}}'', all with the same meaning (the *-D- consonant is Ostapirat's voiced plosive of undetermined quality, probably alveolar as opposed to dental articulation).<ref>Ostapirat (2000).</ref>

In proto-Kra–Dai, there appear to have been three tones in words ending in a sonorant (vowel or nasal consonant), labeled simply A, B, C, plus words ending in a stop consonant, D, which did not have tone. In general, Austronesian words ending in a sonorant correspond to A, and words ending in a stop correspond to D. This accounts for most of the words. There are also a few cognates with B and C tone. From Indic borrowings it appears that tone B was originally a final ''h'' in Kra–Dai, and some of the corresponding Austronesian roots also end in ''h,'' such as AN *{{transl|map|italic=no|qəmpah}} "chaff", Kam–Sui ''paa''-B (Mulam ''kwaa''-B), though there are few examples to go on. Tone C seems to have originally been creaky voice or a final glottal stop. It may correspond to *H, a laryngeal consonant of uncertain manner, in proto-Austronesian (AN *{{transl|map|italic=no|quluH}} "head", Thai ''klau''-C), but again the number of cognates is too low to draw firm conclusions.

Sagart (2004) presented data from a newly described Kra language, [[Social:Buyang language|Buyang]], which—like many other Kra languages—retains the disyllabic roots characteristic of Austronesian. Some examples are:

{| class=wikitable
! Root !!Buyang!!Proto-MP
|-
|"to die"||{{IPA|matɛ́}}||*{{transl|map|italic=no|matay}}
|-
|"eye"||{{IPA|matá}}||*{{transl|map|italic=no|mata}}
|-
|"head"||{{IPA|qaðù}}||*{{transl|map|italic=no|quluH}}
|-
|"eight"||{{IPA|maðû}}||*{{transl|map|italic=no|walu}}
|-
|"bird"||{{IPA|manùk}}||*{{transl|map|italic=no|manuk}}
|-
|"flower"||{{IPA|maŋà}}||*{{transl|map|italic=no|buŋah}}
|}

Ostapirat (2013) lists the following potential cognates between Proto-Kra-Dai and [[Social:Proto-Austronesian|Proto-Austronesian]].<ref name=Ostapirat2013/> The Proto-Kra-Dai "C" signifies any unknown consonant; the Proto-Austronesian "C" is a phoneme tentatively reconstructed either as {{IPA|/t͡s/}} or {{IPA|/t/}}.

{| class=wikitable
! Meaning !! Proto-Kra-Dai !! Proto-Austronesian
|-
|"eye" || *maTaː || *maCa
|-
|"hand" || *(C)imɤː || *(qa)lima
|-
|"tongue" || *(C)əmaː || *Səma
|-
|"tooth" || *lipan || *nipən
|-
|"louse" || *KuTuː || *kuCu
|-
|"fire" || *(C)apuj || *Sapuy
|-
|"water" || *(C)aNam || *daNum
|-
|"I" || *akuː || *aku
|-
|"you", sg. || *isuː || *iSu
|-
|"one" || *(C)itsɤː || *əsa, *isa
|-
|"to die" || *maTaːj || *ma-aCay
|}

Sagart (2019) finds multiple examples of the correlation between the coda of [[Social:Proto-Austronesian|Proto-Austronesian]] polysyllabic words and the tone of suspected Kra-Dai cognates.<ref>{{cite journal|first=Laurent|last=Sagart|year=2019|title= A model of the origin of Kra-Dai tones|journal=Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale|volume=48|issue=1|pages=1–29|doi=10.1163/19606028-04801004|s2cid=198553640|id=hal-02179092|url=https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02179092/document}}</ref>

* Sonorant-final Austronesian terms corresponded with tone A in Kra-Dai.
* Proto-Austronesian uvular fricative finals corresponded with tone B.
* Proto-Austronesian final sibilants and /h/ corresponded with tone C.

===Ostapirat (2005)===
Austro-Tai sound correspondences and cognate sets listed by Ostapirat (2005) are as follows.

====Core vocabulary====
Kra-Dai core vocabulary and [[Social:Proto-Austronesian|Proto-Austronesian]] cognates:
{| class="wikitable sortable"
! # !! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! Gelao (''Anshun'') !! p-Kra-Dai tone
|-
| 1 || blood || || *lɯat || *phjaat || *daːt || plɒ || *D
|-
| 2 || bone || || *duuk || *laak || *rɯːʔ || taŋ || *D
|-
| 3 || ear || || *huu || *qhaa || (*zai) || zau || *A
|-
| 4 || eye || *maCa || *taa || *daa || *tsha || tau || *A
|-
| 5 || excrement || *Caqi || *khii || *qee || *hai || qɒ || *C
|-
| 6 || fart || *qe(n)tut || *tot || *tət || *thuːt || tae (''Laozhai'') || *D
|-
| 7 || fingernail || || *lep || *ljap || *liːp || kle || *D
|-
| 8 || grease || *SimaR || *man || *man || *man (''Be'') || mal (''Laha'') || *A
|-
| 9 || hand || (*qa)lima || *mɯɯ || *mjaa || *meɯ || mpau || *A
|-
| 10 || head || *qulu || *klau || *ku || *rau || (klɒ B) || *C
|-
| 11 || knee || || *khau || *quu || (*rou) || qo (''Laozhai'') || *B
|-
| 12 || leg, thigh || *paqa || *khaa || *qaa || *ha || qau || *A
|-
| 13 || liver || || *tap || *tap || (*ŋaːn) || tae (''Laozhai'') || *D
|-
| 14 || navel || || *dɯɯ || *ʔdwaa || *reɯ || zo (''Qiaoshang'') || *A
|-
| 15 || nose || *ijuŋ || *daŋ || *ʔnaŋ || *doŋ || daŋ (''Laha'') || *A
|-
| 16 || shoulder || *qabaRa || *baa || *wie (''Lakkia'') || *va || baa (''Laha'') || *B
|-
| 17 || tooth || *nipen || *fan || *wjan || *phen || pan || *A
|-
| 18 || bear (n.) || *Cumay || *mii || *ʔmii || *mui || mi (''Laozhai'') || *A
|-
| 19 || bird || *manuk ([[Social:Proto-Malayo-Polynesian|PMP]]) || *nok || *nok || (*taȶ) || ntau || *D
|-
| 20 || dog || || *maa || *m̥aa || *ma || mpau || *A
|-
| 21 || fish || || *plaa || *paa (''Kam'') || *da || lau || *A
|-
| 22 || horn || || *khau || *qaau || *hau (''Baoding'') || qa || *A
|-
| 23 || louse (head) || *kuCu || *hau || *tuu || *tshou || ta || *A
|-
| 24 || tail || || (*haaŋ) || *hət || *tshut || tshan || *D
|-
| 25 || leaf || (*ʔabag) || *bai || *waa (''Lakkia'') || *beɯ || (vu) || *A
|-
| 26 || seed || || *fan (''White Tai'') || *wan || *phen || pa (''Qiaoshang'') || *A
|-
| 27 || sesame || *leŋa || *ŋaa || *ʔŋaa || *keɯ (''Baoding'') || ŋklau || *A
|-
| 28 || cloud || || *faa || *faa || *fa (''Baoding'') || phaa (''Laha'') || *C
|-
| 29 || fire || *Sapuy || *fai || *wii || *pei || pai || *A
|-
| 30 || moon || *bulaN || *dɯan || *njaan || *ɳaːn || daan (''Laha'') || *A
|-
| 31 || path || || *hon || *khun || *kuːn || qan || *A
|-
| 32 || rain || || *fon || *fən || *pun || (jal) (''Laha'') || *A
|-
| 33 || stone || || *hin || *tin || *tshiːn || (pɣaa) || *A
|-
| 34 || smoke || || *khwan || *kwan || *hwoːn || qɒ || *A
|-
| 35 || water || *daNum || *naam || *nam || *nom || (əɯ C) || *C
|-
| 36 || black || *tidem || *dam || *ʔnam || *dom C || ʔdam (''Buyang'') || *A
|-
| 37 || dry || || *khaɯ (''Lao'') || *khu C || *kheɯ || xau || *B
|-
| 38 || full || || (*tem) || *tik || *thiːʔ || tei || *D
|-
| 39 || green || || *khiau || *ɕu || *khiːu || (ten) || *A
|-
| 40 || long || || *rii || *ʔɣaai || *loi (''Be'') || ðii C (''Buyang'') || *A
|-
| 41 || live, raw || *qudip || *dip || *ʔdjup || *riːp || te || *D
|-
| 42 || come || || *maa || *m̥aa || *peɯ (''Baoding'') || mu || *A
|-
| 43 || eat || *kaen || *kin || *tsjaan || *khan (Be) || kaan (''Buyang'') || *A
|-
| 44 || kill || || *khaa || *haa || *hau || (ven) || *C
|-
| 45 || walk, go || || *pai || *paai || *pei || pai || *A
|-
| 46 || child, person || *aNak || *luuk || *laak || *dɯːʔ || lei || *D
|-
| 47 || grandmother || *aya || *jaa B || *jaa C || *tsaɯ C (''Baoding'') || ʑɒ C || *B/C
|-
| 48 || this || *i-ni || *nii || *naai || *nei || ni || *B/C
|-
| 49 || I || *aku || *kuu || (*ju) || *hou (''Baoding'') || kuu (''Buyang'') || *A
|-
| 50 || you || *kamu || *mɯŋ || *maa (''Lakkia'') || *meɯ || maa (''Buyang'') || *A
|}

====Final consonants====
Summary of Austro-Tai final sound correspondences:
{| class="wikitable sortable"
! p-Austronesian !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| *-p || *-p
|-
| *-t || *-t
|-
| *-k || *-k
|-
| *-q || *-k
|-
| *-C || *-C
|-
| *-s || *-c
|-
| *-b || *-w
|-
| *-d || *-y
|-
| *-g (?) || *-ɣ
|-
| *-m || *-m
|-
| *-n || *-n
|-
| *-ŋ || *-ŋ
|-
| *-N || *-N (> -n, -l)
|-
| *-R || *-R (> -ɣ, -l)
|-
| *-w || *-w
|-
| *-y || *-y
|-
| *-l || *-y
|}

Cognates with final consonant correspondences:
{| class="wikitable sortable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! Kra (''Laha'') !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| water || *daNum || *nam || *nam || *nom || || *-m
|-
| tooth || *nipen || *fan || *wjan || *phen || pan (''Gelao'') || *-n
|-
| nose || *ijuŋ (PMP) || *daŋ || *ʔnaŋ || *doŋ || daŋ || *-ŋ
|-
| live, raw || *qudip || *dip || *ʔdjup || *riːp || kthop (''Ta Mit Laha'') || *-p
|-
| fart || *qe(n)tut || *tot || *tət || *thuːt || tut (''Buyang'') || *-t
|-
| pungent || *paqiC || *phet || || *geȶ || pat || *-C
|-
| fowl, bird || *manuk (PMP) || *nok || *nok || noːk (''Baoding'') || nok || *-k
|-
| taro || *biRaq || *phɯak || *ʔɣaak || geːk (''Baoding'') || haak || *-k
|-
| weep || *Caŋis || *hai || *ʔɲe || *ŋei || ɲit || *-c
|-
| star || *qalejaw || *daaw || ʔdaau (''Mulam'') || *raːu || || *-w
|-
| fire || *Sapuy || *fai || *wi || *pei || pəi || *-y
|-
| navel || *pudeR || *dɯɯ || *ʔdaa || *reɯɯ || dau || *-ɣ
|}

Contrast between *-C and *-t in both Kra-Dai and Austronesian:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! Siamese !! Saek !! Be !! Hlai (''Baoding'') !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| fart || *-t || tot || rɛt || dut || thuːt || *-t
|-
| bitter, spicy || *-C || phet || || || geȶ || *-C
|-
| skin, scale || *-C || klet || trɛk || liʔ || || *-C
|-
| ant || || mot || mɛk || muʔ || puȶ || *-C
|}

Proto-Austronesian final *-q and Proto-Kra-Dai *-k/-C:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! Hlai (''Baoding'') !! Kra (''Laha'') !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| taro || *biRaq || *phɯak || *ʔɣaak || geːk || haak || *-k
|-
| otter || *Sanaq || *naak || || teːk || || *-k
|-
| ten || *puluq || || || phuːt || put (''Buyang'') || *-C
|}

Proto-Austronesian final *-s and Proto-Kra-Dai *-c:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! p-Kra !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| weep || *Caŋis || *hai || *ʔɲe || *ŋei || *ɲit || *-c
|-
| stream || *qaRus || *huai || *kui || || || *-c
|}

Proto-Austronesian final *-R and *-N and Proto-Kra-Dai *-l/-n:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! Kra (''Laha'') !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| navel || *pudeR || *dɯɯ || *ʔdaa || *reɯ || dau || 
|-
| fat (n.) || *SimaR || *man || *man || || mal || *-l
|-
| moon || *bulaN || *dɯan || *njaan || *ɲaːn || daan || *-n
|-
| rain || *quzaN || || || || jal || *-l
|}

Special Proto-Kra-Dai development corresponding to Proto-Austronesian *-R:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Be !! Kra (''Laha'') !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| flow || *qaluR || *lai || *lui || *ləi || kləi || *-y
|}

Proto-Atayal voiced stop endings corresponding to Kra-Dai final voiced glides:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! Proto-Atayal !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! p-Kra !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| yawn || *surab || *haau || *kho || *kaːu || || *-w
|-
| mouse || *qawlid || || || || *lai || *-y
|-
| leaf || *ʔabag || *bai || || *beɯ || || *-ɣ
|}

Proto-Austronesian final *-l corresponding to Kra-Dai final glides (possible development):
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! p-Kra !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| clam, snail || *ku(S)ul || *hɔɔi || *khuy || *tshei || *ci || *-y
|}

====Medial consonants====
Medial correspondences between [[Social:Proto-Austronesian|Proto-Austronesian]] and Proto-Kra-Dai, assuming that Proto-Kra-Dai was polysyllabic:
{| class="wikitable sortable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! Kra (''Laha'') !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| tooth || *nipen || *fan || *wjan || *phen || pan (''Gelao'') || *-p-
|-
| fire || *Sapuy || *fai || *wi || *pei || pəi || *-p-
|-
| fart || *qe(n)tut || *tot || *tət || *thuːt || tut (''Buyang'') || *-t-
|-
| head louse || *kuCu || *hau || *tu || *tshou || tou || *-C-
|-
| eye || *maCa || *taa || *daa || *tsha || taa || *-C-
|-
| I || *aku || *kuu || || *hou (''Baoding'') || kuu (''Buyang'') || *-k-
|-
| leg || *paqa || *khaa || *qaa || *ha (''Tongshi'') || kaa || *-q-
|-
| excrement || *Caqi || *khii || *qe || *hai || kai || *-q-
|-
| hand || (*qa)lima || *mɯɯ || *mjaa || *meɯ || maa || *-m-
|-
| bear (n.) || *Cumay || *mii || *ʔmi || *mui || me || *-m-
|-
| otter || *Sanaq || *naak || || *naːʔ || || *-n-
|-
| this || *i-ni || *nii || *naai || *nei || nəi || *-n-
|-
| bird || *manuk (PMP) || *nok || *nok || *noːk (''Baoding'') || nok || *-N-
|-
| water || *daNum || *naam || *nam || *nom || || *-N-
|-
| weep || *Caŋis || *hai || *ʔɲe || *ŋei || ɲit || *-ŋ-
|-
| sesame || *leŋa || *ŋaa || *ʔŋaa || *keɯ (''Baoding'') || ŋaa (''Buyang'') || *-ŋ-
|-
| shoulder || *qabaRa || *baa || *wie (''Lakkia'') || *va || baa || *-b-
|-
| navel || *pudeR || *dɯɯ || *ʔdaa || *reɯ || dau || *-d-
|-
| live, raw || *qudip || *dip || *ʔdjup || *riːp || kthop (''Ta Mit Laha'') || *-d-
|-
| black || *tidem || *dam || *ʔnam || *dom || ʔdam (''Buyang'') || *-d-
|-
| nose || *ijuŋ (PMP) || *dap || *ʔnaŋ || *doŋ || daŋ || *-d-
|-
| grandmother || *aya || *jaa || *jaa || *tsaɯ || jaa || *-j-
|-
| rain || *quZaN || || || || jal || *-j- (?)
|-
| taro || *biRaq || *phɯak || *ʔɣaak || *geːk (''Baoding'') || pɣaak || *-R-
|-
| net || *aray || *hɛɛ || re (''Then'') || *raːi || || *-R-
|-
| saliva || *ŋalay || *laai || ŋwee (''Kam'') || *laːi || laai (''Buyang'') || *-l-
|-
| head || *qulu || *klau || kɣo (''Mulam'') || *rau || || *-ɮ-
|-
| sour || *qa(l)sem || *som || *fum || || || *-s-
|-
| centipede || *qalu-Sipan || *khep || *khup || *riːp || || *-S-
|-
| clam, snail || *ku(S)ul || *hɔɔi || *khuy || *tshei || ci || *-S-
|}

Proto-Kra–Dai *d- corresponds to both Proto-Austronesian *d- and *j- according to Ostapirat (2023). For example:<ref name="Ostapirat2023">{{cite conference |url=https://seals32.human.cmu.ac.th/ |title=Proto-Kra–Dai consonants: an outline and outstanding issues |date=2023 |last=Ostapirat |first=Weera |location=Chiang Mai University |conference=32nd Annual Meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society (SEALS 2023), May 18, 2023}}</ref>

{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! [[Social:Buyang language|Buyang]] !! Thai !! p-Austronesian
|-
| raw || qa ʔdip || dip || *qudip
|-
| black || ʔdam || dam || *tidem
|-
| bone || qa ʔdaːk || duːk || 
|-
| nose || qa ʔdaŋ || daŋ || *ujung
|-
| navel || ma ʔduə || dɯː || *puja
|-
| boat || ʔdaː || (rɯa) || *aluja
|}

Proto-Kra–Dai *b-l- corresponds to Proto-Austronesian *bVl- according to Ostapirat (2023):<ref name="Ostapirat2023"/>

{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! Saek !! Thai !! p-Kra–Dai !! p-Austronesian
|-
| moon || blian || dɯan || *bulaːn || *bulaN
|-
| flower || blɔːk || dɔːk || *baluːk || *bulak
|-
| to weed || (bjaːi) || daːi || *bəlaːy || 
|-
| spotted || (bjaːŋ) || daːŋ || *bəlaːŋ || *belaŋ
|}

====Tones====
Proto-Kra-Dai tone B correspondences:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! Kra (''Laha'') !! p-Kra-Dai tone
|-
| chaff, bran || *qepa || (*ram) || *paa || *vo (B) || paa || *B
|-
| shoulder || *qabaRa || *baa || wie (''Lakkia'') || *va || baa || *B
|}

Tone B in Tai (kinship):
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! Kra (''Buyang'') !! p-Kra-Dai tone
|-
| grandfather || *puu B || || *phau C || puu B || *B
|-
| grandmother || *jaa B || *jaa C || *tsaɯ C || jaa C || *C
|}

Proto-Kra-Dai tone C correspondences:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! p-Kra !! p-Kra-Dai tone
|-
| excrement || *Caqi || *khii || *qe || *hai || *kai || *C
|-
| head || *qulu || *klau || *ku || *rau || (*klɒ) || *C
|-
| water || *daNum || *nam || *nam || *nom || || *C
|-
| sour || *qa(l)sem || *som || *fum || || || *C
|}

Tone C from Proto-Kra-Dai *-c in some Kra-Dai groups:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai !! p-Kam-Sui !! p-Hlai !! p-Kra !! p-Kra-Dai
|-
| weep || *Caŋis || *hai C || *ʔɲe C || *ŋei C || *ɲit || *-c
|-
| stream || *qaRus || *huai C || *kui C || || || *-c
|}

===Smith (2021)===
Smith (2021) presents additional phonological and lexical evidence for Austro-Tai.<ref name="Smith2021">Smith, Alexander D. 2021. [https://drive.google.com/file/d/1YNjfYXj71guuPCq2S4PJpLOslnms79GD/view ''More Austro-Tai Comparisons and Observations on Vowel Correspondences'']. [https://sites.google.com/site/sealsjournal/seals-and-jseals-history/seals-online-2021/seals-2021-program SEALS 2021] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211216175236/https://sites.google.com/site/sealsjournal/seals-and-jseals-history/seals-online-2021/seals-2021-program |date=2021-12-16 }}. ([https://drive.google.com/file/d/1fxeXMnNjf0JR9gojSBA_z8CahqHk9DSM/view?usp=sharing Slides])</ref> Additional supporting data is also published in Smith (2022).<ref name="Smith JSEALS Special 8">{{cite journal|last=Smith|first=Alexander|title=More Austro-Tai Comparisons and Observations on Vowel Correspondences|editor-last=Alves|editor-first=Mark|editor-last2=Sidwell|editor-first2=Paul|journal=Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society: Papers from the 30th Conference of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society (2021)|volume=15|issue=3|date=2022-01-28|issn=1836-6821|url=https://evols.library.manoa.hawaii.edu/handle/10524/52498|access-date=2022-02-14|doi=10.5281/zenodo.5781307|pages=112–134}}</ref><ref>Smith, Alexander. 2022b. ''[https://seals31.sched.com/event/11UxA/submorphemic-crossover-in-kra-dai-and-austronesian Submorphemic crossover in Kra-Dai and Austronesian]''. Presentation given at the 31st Annual Meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society (SEALS 31), [[Organization:University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa|University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa]], May 18–20, 2022. ([https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fI6OEjs5nro video])</ref><ref>Smith, Alexander. 2022c. ''[https://seals31.sched.com/event/11Uuk/reevaluating-two-schwa-initial-reconstructions-in-proto-and-pre-proto-austronesian-numerals-with-some-help-from-kra-dai-smith Reevaluating two schwa-initial reconstructions in Proto- and pre-Proto-Austronesian numerals]''. Presentation given at the 31st Annual Meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society (SEALS 31), [[Organization:University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa|University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa]], May 18–20, 2022. ([https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9PDIQIdgDh0 video])</ref>

Lexical correspondences between [[Social:Proto-Austronesian|Proto-Austronesian]] and [[Social:Proto-Tai|Proto-Tai]] proposed by Smith (2021) are:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai
|-
| fear || *talaw || *ʰlaːw<sup>A</sup> 'afraid'
|-
| rattan || *quay || *C.waːy<sup>A</sup>
|-
| to plant || *tanəm 'to bury; plant' || *t.nam<sup>A</sup> 'to transplant a crop'
|-
| to hold || *kəmkəm 'to hold in the fist' || *kam<sup>A</sup> 'hold in the closed hand'
|-
| fish hook || *kabit 'fishing hook' || *ɓet<sup>D</sup>
|-
| fish poison || *tubah '''[[Biology:Derris|Derris]]'' root' || *C.bɯə<sup>A1</sup> 'to poison fish'
|-
| shadow || *qaNiŋu || *ŋaw<sup>A</sup>
|-
| leech || *məCaq 'paddy leech' || *daːk<sup>D</sup>
|}

Other lexical correspondences (basic vocabulary) between Proto-Austronesian and Proto-Tai from Smith (2021) are:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Tai
|-
| moon || *bulaN || *ɓlɯən<sup>A</sup>
|-
| vomit || *utaq || *rwɯək<sup>D</sup>
|-
| paddle/boat || *aluja (paddle) || *C̬.rwɯə<sup>A</sup> (boat)
|-
| navel || *puja || *ɗwɯː<sup>A</sup>
|-
| bear || *Cumay || *ʰmwɯj<sup>A</sup>
|-
| hand || *qalima || *mwɯː<sup>A</sup>
|-
| otter || *Sanaq || *naːk<sup>D</sup>
|-
| eye || *maCa || *p.taː<sup>A</sup>
|-
| die || *m-aCay || *p.taːj<sup>A</sup>
|-
| leg || *paqa || *p.qaː<sup>A</sup>
|}

Lexical correspondences between [[Social:Proto-Malayo-Polynesian|Proto-Malayo-Polynesian]] (PMP) and [[Social:Proto-Tai|Proto-Tai]] proposed by Smith (2021) are:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! PMP !! p-Tai
|-
| to hurt || *sakit 'sick; to hurt; be in pain' || *keːt<sup>D</sup>
|-
| spotted || *bəlaŋ || *ɓlaːŋ<sup>B</sup>
|}

Smith deduces that Proto-Austronesian final-syllable ''*a'' regularly corresponds to Proto-Tai ''*ɯ(ə)'' if penultimate Proto-Austronesian syllable contained a high vowel, like ''*i'' or ''*u''. On the other hand, if that penultimate syllable had a low vowel instead, Proto-Austronesian ''*a'' would instead correspond to Proto-Tai ''*aː''.

Lexical correspondences between [[Social:Proto-Austronesian|Proto-Austronesian]] and [[Social:Proto-Hlai|Proto-Hlai]], as well as [[Social:Proto-Kra|Proto-Kra]]:
{| class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! p-Austronesian !! p-Hlai !! p-Kra
|-
| to sell || *baliw/saliw || *aRiːu || *s-ɣwi
|-
| to fall || *-tuq || *ʔtuk || *tok<sup>D</sup>
|}

==Relationship==
Among scholars who accept the evidence as definitive, there is disagreement as to the nature of the relationship. Benedict attempted to show that Tai–Kadai has features which cannot be accounted for by proto-Austronesian, and that therefore it must be a separate family coordinate with Austronesian (a sister relationship). Ostapirat concluded that these reconstructed linguistic features are spurious. However, he could not rule out the possibility that Tai–Kadai tone cannot be explained, and so leaves the question open pending further reconstruction of Proto-Austronesian. He supports the consensus hypothesis of several scholars that proto-Austronesian was spoken on Formosa or adjacent areas of coastal China, and that the likely homeland of Proto-Tai–Kadai was coastal Fujian or Guangdong. The spread of the Tai–Kadai peoples may have been aided by agriculture, but any who remained near the coast were eventually absorbed by the Chinese.

Sagart, on the other hand, holds that Tai–Kadai is a branch of Austronesian which migrated back to the mainland from northeastern Formosa long after Formosa was settled, but probably before the expansion of Malayo-Polynesian out of Formosa. He presents a distinct argument for subgrouping Tai-Kadai with Malayo-Polynesian: he argues that the numerals 5–10, shared by Tai-Kadai, Malayo-Polynesian and three southeastern Formosan languages, are post-proto-Austronesian innovations. Part of the problem of evidence may be due to the loss of the ancestral languages in the Philippines: the uniformity of Philippine languages suggests widespread language replacement after the expected time of the Tai–Kadai split.<ref>Sagart (2005b)</ref>

Sagart (2005b) again proposes an Eastern Formosan–Malayo-Polynesian connection with Tai–Kadai, based on words such as Proto-Tai–Kadai *{{transl|map|italic=no|maNuk}} and Eastern Formosan *{{transl|fox|italic=no|manuk}} "bird", as compared to Proto-Austronesian, where the word for "bird" was *{{transl|map|italic=no|qayam}}, and *{{transl|map|italic=no|maNuk}} meant "chicken" (cf. English "fowl", which once meant "bird" but has come to usually refer to chickens and other birds raised for meat), and a few other words such *-mu "thou" which have not been reconstructed for proto-Austronesian. However, Ostapirat notes Tai–Kadai retains the Austronesian *N in this word, which had been lost from Eastern Formosan and Malayo-Polynesian, and that a change in meaning from "chicken" to "bird" could easily have happened independently, for example among proto-Tai–Kadai speakers when they borrowed the mainland word *{{transl|map|italic=no|ki}} "chicken" (cognate with [[Social:Old Chinese|Old Chinese]] *{{transl|map|italic=no|kej}} and [[Social:Hmongic languages|Hmongic]] /qai/).
[[File:Genesis of Daic languages and their relation with Austronesians.png|thumb|Proposed genesis of Daic languages and their relation with Austronesians (Blench, 2018)<ref name="Blench2018">{{cite book|first1=Roger|last1=Blench|title =Tai-Kadai and Austronesian are Related at Multiple Levels and their Archaeological Interpretation (draft)|year =2018|url =https://www.academia.edu/37593287}}</ref>]]
Sagart (2005b) suggests that Austronesian (including Tai-Kadai) is ultimately related to the [[Social:Sino-Tibetan languages|Sino-Tibetan languages]], forming a [[Social:Sino-Austronesian languages|Sino-Austronesian]] family. The Proto-Sino-Austronesian speakers would have originated from the Neolithic communities of the coastal regions of prehistoric North China or East China. Ostapirat disputes this view, noting that the apparent cognates are rarely found in all branches of Tai–Kadai, and almost none in core vocabulary.

Ostapirat maintains that Tai–Kadai could not descend from Malayo-Polynesian in the Philippines, and likely not from the languages of eastern Formosa either. His evidence is in the Tai–Kadai sound correspondences, which reflect Austronesian distinctions that were lost in Malayo-Polynesian and even [[Social:Austronesian languages#Classification|Eastern Formosan]]. These are the pairs of proto-AN sounds *t/*C and *n/*N, which fell together as *t and *n in Proto-MP and Eastern Formosan, but which each correspond to pairs of distinct sounds in Proto-Tai–Kadai. Further, Proto-AN *S corresponds to *s in Proto-Tai–Kadai but was debuccalized to *h in Proto-MP. There are also Austro-Tai roots related to Proto-Austronesian roots which are not attested from Malayo-Polynesian, such as *{{transl|map|italic=no|Cumay}} "bear". In Sagart's model, such roots have to be treated as retentions from Proto-Austronesian only shared by Tai-Kadai and Formosan, and lost in Malayo-Polynesian.

Ostapirat (2013) concludes that Kra-Dai and Austronesian are sister languages with one common ancestor.<ref name=Ostapirat2013>Ostapirat, Weera (2013). [http://jseals.org/seals23/ostapirat2013austro-taih.pdf Austro-Tai revisited]. Paper presented at the 23rd Annual Meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, 29-31 May 2013, Chulalongkorn University.</ref>

Roger Blench (2018) supports the genealogical relation between Kra-Dai and Austronesian based on the fundamentally shared vocabulary. He further suggests that Kra-Dai was later influenced from a back-migration from Taiwan and the Philippines.<ref name="Blench20182">{{cite book|url=https://www.academia.edu/37593287|title=Tai-Kadai and Austronesian are Related at Multiple Levels and their Archaeological Interpretation (draft)|last1=Blench|first1=Roger|year=2018|quote=The volume of cognates between Austronesian and Daic, notably in fundamental vocabulary, is such that they must be related. Borrowing can be excluded as an explanation}}</ref>

==See also==
*[[Social:East Asian languages|East Asian languages]]
*[[Social:Austric languages|Austric languages]]
*[[Social:Old Yue language|Old Yue language]]
*[[Social:Sino-Austronesian languages|Sino-Austronesian languages]]
*[[Social:Austronesian–Ongan languages|Austronesian–Ongan languages]]
*[[Social:Proto-Kra–Dai language|Proto-Kra–Dai language]]

==References==
<references/>

==Bibliography==
*Benedict, Paul K. (1942). "Thai, Kadai, and Indonesian: A new alignment in South-Eastern Asia" ''American Anthropologist'' 44.576-601.
*Benedict, Paul K. (1975). ''Austro-Thai language and culture, with a glossary of roots''. New Haven: HRAF Press. {{ISBN|0-87536-323-7}}.
*Benedict, Paul K. (1990). ''Japanese/Austro-Tai''. Ann Arbor: Karoma. {{ISBN|0-89720-078-0}}.
*Blench, Roger (2004). [https://web.archive.org/web/20110721174117/http://www.rogerblench.info/Archaeology%20data/East%20Asia/Geneva%20China%20paper%202004%20published.pdf "Stratification in the peopling of China: how far does the linguistic evidence match genetics and archaeology?" (PDF)] Paper for the Symposium : Human migrations in continental East Asia and Taiwan: genetic, linguistic and archaeological evidence. Geneva, June 10–13.
*Blench, Roger. (2010). [http://www.rogerblench.info/Language/SEA/Southern%20Yunnan%20interaction%20Sphere.pdf Why we don't need Austric or any other macrophyla in SE Asia: The southern Yunnan interaction sphere (manuscript)].
*Blust, Robert. (2014). "The Higher Phylogeny of Austronesian and the Position of Tai-Kadai: Another Look". In ''The 14th International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics (IsCLL-14)''.
*Carr, Michael. (1986). "Austro-Tai *{{transl|map|italic=no|Tsum(b)anget}} 'spirit' and Archaic Chinese *{{transl|zh|italic=no|XmwângXmwet}} 恍惚 'bliss'". ''Asia-Africa Gengo Bunka Kenkyū, 32''. 91-126. Tōkyō: Tōkyō Gaikokugo Daigaku.
*Chamberlain, James R. (2016). "Kra-Dai and the Proto-History of South China and Vietnam". ''Journal of the Siam Society, 104'', 27-76.
*Li, Hui (李辉). (2005). ''Genetic structure of Austro-Tai populations (Doctoral dissertation)''. Fudan University.[https://web.archive.org/web/20210424220501/http://bbs.sinodino.com/archiver/showtopic-26834.aspx]
*Li, Hui (李辉) et al. (2008). "Paternal genetic affinity between Western Austronesians and Daic populations". ''BMC Evolutionary Biology, 8'', 146. doi:10.1186/1471-2148-8-146
*Luo, Y.-X. (2008). Sino-Tai and Tai-Kadai: Another Look. In A. V. N. Diller, J. A. Edmondson, & Y.-X. Luo (Eds.), ''The Tai-Kadai Languages'' (pp. 9-28). New York, NY: Routledge.
*Miyake, Marc. 2013. [http://www.amritas.com/131012.htm#10122349 Thurgood's "Tai-Kadai and Austronesian: the nature of the historical relationship" (1994)].
*Ostapirat, Weera. 2005. "Kra–Dai and Austronesian: Notes on phonological correspondences and vocabulary distribution." Laurent Sagart, Roger Blench & Alicia Sanchez-Mazas, eds. ''The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics''. London: Routledge Curzon, pp.&nbsp;107–131.
*Reid, Lawrence A. (1994). [https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/10125/32987/1/A39.1994.pdf "Morphological Evidence for Austric]. ''Oceanic Linguistics, 33''(2), 323-344.
*Reid, Lawrence A. (1999). [https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/10125/33018/A44.1999.pdf "New Linguistic Evidence for the Austric Hypothesis"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210803034411/https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/10125/33018/A44.1999.pdf |date=2021-08-03 }}. ''Selected Papers From the Eighth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics (8ICAL)'' (pp. 5-30).
*Reid, Lawrence A. (2005). [https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/10125/33009/A57.2005.pdf "The Current Status of Austric: A review and evaluation of the lexical and morphosyntactic evidence".] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210803034341/https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/10125/33009/A57.2005.pdf |date=2021-08-03 }} In L. Sagart, R. Blench, & A. Sanchez-Mazas (Eds.), ''The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics'' (pp. 132-160).
*Reid, Lawrence A. (2006). "Austro-Tai Hypotheses". In Keith Brown (Ed.), ''The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics'', 2nd edition (pp. 609–610).
*Sagart, Laurent. (2004). [https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/file/index/docid/90906/filename/THE_HIGHER_PHYLOGENY_OF_AUSTRONESIAN.pdf "The higher phylogeny of Austronesian and the position of Tai-Kadai"]. ''Oceanic Linguistics, 43''(2), 411-444.
*Sagart, Laurent. (2005a). [https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00085059/document "Sino-Tibetan-Austronesian: An Updated and Improved Argument"]. In L. Sagart, R. Blench, & A. Sanchez-Mazas (Eds.), ''The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics'' (pp. 161-176).
*Sagart, Laurent. (2005b). [https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/file/index/docid/104725/filename/Peopling_Tai-Kadai.pdf "Tai-Kadai as a subgroup of Austronesian"]. In L. Sagart, R. Blench, & A. Sanchez-Mazas (Eds.), ''The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics'' (pp. 177-181).
*Schmidt, Wilhelm. (1906) Die Mon-Khmer Völker, ein Bindeglied zwischen Völkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens. Braunschweig: Friedrich Vieweg und Sohn.
*Thurgood, Graham. (1994). "Tai–Kadai and Austronesian: the nature of the relationship." ''Oceanic Linguistics'' 33.345-368.

{{Tai-Kadai languages}}
{{language families}}
{{Eurasian languages}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Austro-Tai Languages}}
[[Category:Proposed language families]]

{{Sourceattribution|Austro-Tai languages}}