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{{short description|Political ideology and government structure}}
[[File:Democratic confederalism .png|thumbnail|upright=1.2|Flag of the [[Organization:Kurdistan Communities Union|KCK]], often used by Democratic Confederalists]]
'''Democratic confederalism'''{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|p=21}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2005}} ({{lang-ku|Konfederalîzma demokratîk}}), also known as '''Kurdish communalism''' or '''Apoism''',{{refn|group=nb|Followers of Öcalan and members of the PKK are known by his diminutive name as ''Apocu'' (Apo-ites), and his movement is known as ''Apoculuk'' (Apoism).{{sfn|Mango|2005|p=32}}}} is a [[Philosophy:Political philosophy|political concept]] theorized by Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Öcalan about a system of democratic [[Physics:Self-organization|self-organization]]{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|p=32}} with the features of a [[Social:Confederation|confederation]] based on the principles of [[Autonomy|autonomy]], [[Philosophy:Direct democracy|direct democracy]], [[Earth:Political ecology|political ecology]], [[Social:Feminism|feminism]], [[Philosophy:Multiculturalism|multiculturalism]], self-defense, [[Social:Self-governance|self-governance]] and elements of a [[Finance:Co-operative economics|cooperative economy]].{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=21–32}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=31–36}}{{sfn|Dirik|2016|loc=chpt. 2}} Influenced by [[Philosophy:Social ecology (Bookchin)|social ecology]], libertarian municipalism, [[Place:History of the Middle East|Middle Eastern history]] and general state theory, Öcalan presents the concept as a political solution to Kurdish national aspirations, as well as other fundamental problems in countries in the region deeply rooted in [[Philosophy:Class society|class society]], and as a route to [[Social:Freedom|freedom]] and [[Social:Democratization|democratization]] for people around the world.{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=35–44}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=7–8; 34–35}}

Although the liberation struggle of the PKK was originally guided by the prospect of creating a Kurdish [[Social:Nation state|nation state]] on a [[Social:Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninist]] basis,{{sfn|Dirik|2016|loc=chpt. 2}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=7–14}} Öcalan became disillusioned with the nation-state model and [[Philosophy:State socialism|state socialism]].{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=28–30}} Influenced by ideas from [[Philosophy:Western philosophy|Western thinkers]] such as the libertarian municipalist and former [[Social:Anarchism|anarchist]] [[Biography:Murray Bookchin|Murray Bookchin]],{{sfn|Bookchin|2018}}{{sfn|Shilton|2019}}{{sfn|Enzinna|2015}} Öcalan reformulated the political objectives of the Kurdish liberation movement, abandoning the old [[Social:Statism|statist]] and centralizing socialist project for a radical and renewed proposal for a form of [[Philosophy:Libertarian socialism|libertarian socialism]]<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal |last=Błaszczyk |first=Cezary |date=2022-06-27 |title=Jineology: Kurdish “feminism” in the doctrine of democratic confederalism and the political system of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (Rojava) |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-90.4 |journal=Studia Iuridica |issue=90 |pages=77 |doi=10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-90.4 |quote="Thus, the doctrine of democratic confederalism presents itself as a libertarian socialism based on the neo-Marxism, ecologism and, finally, feminism."}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite web |last=De Jong |first=Alex |date=March 18, 2016 |title=The New-Old PKK |url=https://jacobin.com/2016/03/pkk-ocalan-kurdistan-isis-murray-bookchin/ |access-date=2023-07-24 |website=Jacobin |language=en-US |quote="It was compelling enough to win over Öcalan, who, in the popular narrative, made a balance sheet of the PKK’s failures and decided to reorient his goals to a similar kind of libertarian socialism called “democratic confederalism.”"}}</ref><ref name=":2">{{Cite web |last=Fitzherbert |first=Yvo |date=August 26, 2014 |title=A new kind of freedom born in terror |url=https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/north-africa-west-asia/new-kind-of-freedom-born-in-terror/ |access-date=2023-07-24 |website=openDemocracy |language=en |quote="The ideology behind this progressive autonomous structure, which has a secular constitution, is that of the PKK leader, Abdullah Öcalan. His vision of ‘Democratic Confederalism’ builds on a concept espoused by the American anarchist Murray Bookchin. Since Öcalan’s arrest in 1999, the PKK’s ideology has changed considerably, so much so that they have all but denounced nationalism in favour of a form of libertarian socialism."}}</ref> that no longer aims at building an [[Social:Independence|independent state]] separate from [[Place:Turkey|Turkey]], but at establishing an [[Autonomy|autonomous]], [[Social:Democracy|democratic]] and [[Social:Decentralization|decentralized]] entity based on the ideas of democratic confederalism.{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=21; 33–34}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=31–32}}

== Theory ==
Rejecting both the [[Social:Authoritarianism|authoritarianism]] and [[Organization:Bureaucracy|bureaucracism]] of [[Philosophy:State socialism|state socialism]] and the predation of [[Philosophy:Capitalism|capitalism]], seen by Öcalan as most responsible for the [[Social:Economic inequality|economic inequalities]], sexism and environmental destruction in the world, {{sfn|Dirik|2016|loc=chpt. 2}}{{sfn|White|2015|pp=126–149}} democratic confederalism defends a "type of organization or administration can be called non-state political administration or stateless democracy",{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|p=21}} which would provide the framework for the autonomous organization of "every community, confessional group, gender specific collective and/or minority ethnic group, among other".{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|p=32}} It is a model of libertarian socialism<ref name=":0" /><ref name=":1" /><ref name=":2" /> and [[Social:Participatory democracy|participatory democracy]]{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=16–17}} built on the [[Social:Self-governance|self-government]] of local communities and the organization of open councils, town councils, local [[Social:Parliament|parliament]]s, and larger congresses,{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|p=32}} where citizens are the agents of self-government, allowing individuals and communities to exercise a real influence over their common environment and activities.{{sfn|Öcalan|2005}}{{sfn|Dirik|2016|loc=chpt. 3}} Inspired by the struggle of women in the PKK, democratic confederalism has feminism as one of its central pillars.{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|p=21}}{{sfn|Dirik|2016|loc=chpt. 3}} Seeing [[Biology:Patriarchy|patriarchy]] as "an ideological product of the national state and power" no less dangerous than capitalism,{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|p=24}} Öcalan advocates a new vision of society in order to dismantle the institutional and psychological relations of power currently established in capitalist societies and to ensure that women have a vital and equal role to that of men at all levels of organization and decision-making.{{sfn|Bookchin|2018}}{{sfn|Shilton|2019}} Other key principles of democratic confederalism are environmentalism, [[Philosophy:Multiculturalism|multiculturalism]] (religious, political, ethnic and cultural), [[Philosophy:Individualism|individual freedoms]] (such as those of [[Philosophy:Freedom of speech|expression]], [[Social:Freedom of choice|choice]] and information), self-defense, and a sharing economy where control of economic [[Earth:Resource|resource]]s does not belong to the state, but to society.{{sfn|Malik|2019}}{{sfn|Biehl|2012}} Although it presents itself as a model opposed to the nation-state, democratic confederalism admits the possibility, under specific circumstances, of peaceful coexistence between both, as long as there is no intervention by the state in the central issues of self-government or attempts at [[Social:Cultural assimilation|cultural assimilation]].{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|p=32}} Although it was theorized initially as a new social and ideological basis for the Kurdish liberation movement, democratic confederalism is now presented as an anti-nationalist, multi-ethnic and [[Religion:Internationalism (politics)|internationalist]] movement.{{sfn|Öcalan|2005}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|p=24}}{{sfn|Maisel|2018|p=347}}

The general lines of democratic confederalism were presented in March 2005, through a declaration "to the Kurdish people and the international community"{{sfn|Öcalan|2005}} and, in later years, the concept was further developed in other publications, such as the four volumes of the ''Manifesto of Democratic Civilization''.{{sfn|MEPC|2015}} Shortly after being released, the declaration was immediately adopted by the PKK, which organized clandestine assemblies in Turkey, [[Place:Syria|Syria]] and Iraq, which resulted in the creation of the [[Organization:Kurdistan Communities Union|Kurdistan Communities Union]] ({{lang|ku-latn|Koma Civakên Kurdistan}}, KCK).{{sfn|Çandar|2012|p=82}}{{sfn|Maur|Staal|2015|p=174–175}}{{sfn|Kurban|2014}} The first chance to implement it came during the Syrian Civil War,{{sfn|Enzinna|2015}}{{sfn|White|2015|pp=126–149}}{{sfn|Pluto|2016}} when the Democratic Union Party ({{lang|ku-latn|Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat}}, PYD) [[Religion:Rojava conflict|declared the autonomy]] of three cantons in [[Place:Syrian Kurdistan|Syrian Kurdistan]] that eventually grew into the [[Place:Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria|Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria]]).<ref>{{harvp|Malik|2019}}; {{harvp|Krajeski|2019}}; {{harvp|Marcus|2020}}; {{harvp|Maisel|2018|pp=16–17}}</ref>

== History ==
=== Background ===
{{green politics sidebar|schools}}
Created in the 1970s under the context of [[History:Cold War|Cold War]] geopolitical bipolarity, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) was initially inspired by national liberation movements across the planet,{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=7–8}}{{sfn|Helliker|Walt|2019}} many of whom were influenced by [[Social:Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninist ideals]] and [[Social:Left-wing nationalism|left-wing nationalism]].{{sfn|ScienceClassPolitics|1984|pp=3–30}}{{sfn|Schwikowski|2018}}{{sfn|Dwyer|Zeilig|2018}} Over the years, however, the PKK has distanced itself from these ideologies, considering that the Kurdish question was not a mere problem of [[Social:Ethnicity|ethnicity]] and nationality{{refn|group=nb|In his book "In defense of the people" (published in German in 2010), Öcalan wrote that "The development of authority and hierarchy even before the class society emerged is a significant turning point in history", adding that "no law of nature requires natural societies to develop into hierarchical state-based societies" and judging "the Marxist belief that class society is an inevitability" to be deeply mistaken.{{sfn|Bookchin|2018}}}} solved by the revolutionary seizure of state power or the constitution of an [[Social:Independence|independent state]].{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=7–8}} Becoming a major critic of the very idea of a [[Social:Nation state|nation-state]] and even of national and social liberation from a Marxist–Leninist perspective,{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=7–14}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=28–30}} Abdullah Öcalan initiated a substantial transition from the Kurdish liberation movement in search of a form of [[Social:Socialism|socialism]] distinct from the statist and centralizing system associated with the former [[Place:Soviet Union|Soviet]] [[Social:Superpower|superpower]].{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=28–30}}{{sfn|Bookchin|2018}}{{sfn|Shilton|2019}}

This process was consolidated after the capture and arrest of Öcalan by the Turkish intelligence services in 1999.{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=28–30}} Although he is kept in isolation on the prison island of İmralı, Öcalan used his time not only to prepare his [[Social:Defense (legal)|defense]] strategy in the course of the Turkish trial which had [[Social:Capital punishment|sentenced him to death]], but also to elaborate his proposals on the Kurdish question and on its political solution.{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=28–30}} Having access to hundreds of books, including [[Social:Turkish language|Turkish translations]] of numerous historical and philosophical texts from [[Philosophy:Western philosophy|Western thought]], his plan was initially to find theoretical foundations in these works that would justify the PKK's past actions, and to discuss the Kurdish–Turkish conflict within a comprehensive analysis of the development of the nation-state throughout history.{{sfn|Bookchin|2018}} Thus, Öcalan began his studies from Sumerian mythology and the origins of Neolithic cultures, as well as from the history of the [[Earth:City-state|first city-states]].{{sfn|Shilton|2019}} But it was the readings of thinkers like [[Biography:Friedrich Nietzsche|Friedrich Nietzsche]] (whom Öcalan calls "the prophet of the capitalist era"<ref>{{Cite book |title=Building Free Life: Dialogues with Öcalan |publisher=Kairos |isbn=9781629637044 |pages=227, 235}}</ref>), [[Biography:Fernand Braudel|Fernand Braudel]], Immanuel Wallerstein, Maria Mies, [[Biography:Michel Foucault|Michel Foucault]], and particularly [[Biography:Murray Bookchin|Murray Bookchin]],{{refn|group=nb|Öcalan had read ''The Ecology of Freedom'', and agreed with Bookchin's analysis. Looking for theoretical guidance, the Kurdish leader asked to Reimar Heider, his German translator, to send an e-mail to Bookchin. Sent in April 2004, the message told him that Öcalan had been reading Turkish translations of Bookchin’s books in prison and considered himself a ''“good student”'' of his works. Also, Öcalan ''"has recommended Bookchin’s books to every mayor in all Kurdish cities and wanted everybody to read them."''{{sfn|Bookchin|2018}} Bookchin and Öcalan corresponded for a while,{{sfn|Enzinna|2015}} but the philosopher died in 2006.}}, that led him to a definitive break with the [[Social:Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninist socialist]] perspective and develops a new proposal for a system called "democratic confederalism".{{sfn|Shilton|2019}}{{sfn|Helliker|Walt|2019}}

In 2005, while the European Court of Human Rights condemned Turkey for "inhumane treatment" and "unfair prosecution" in the case of Öcalan,{{sfn|Hudoc|2005}} calling for a new trial for the Kurdish leader,{{sfn|Sturcke|2005}} Öcalan issued "Declaration of Democratic Confederalism in Kurdistan", where he laid the groundwork of democratic confederalism.{{sfn|Öcalan|2005}} Later, the concept was further developed and presented in works such as ''Democratic Confederalism'' and ''Manifesto of Democratic Civilization'' (the latter in four volumes).{{sfn|MEPC|2015}}

{{Blockquote|Democratic confederalism of Kurdistan is not a state system, but a democratic system of the people without a state. With the women and youth at the forefront, it is a system in which all sectors of society will develop their own democratic organisations. It is a politics exercised by free and equal confederal citizens by electing their own free regional representatives. It is based on the principle of its own strength and expertise. It derives its power from the people and in all areas including its economy it will seek self-sufficiency.|Abdullah Öcalan|Declaration of Democratic Confederalism in Kurdistan, 2005.{{sfn|Öcalan|2005}}}}

=== Concept ===
[[File:Sustaniable Micro irrigation in Northern Syria.jpg|thumb|Sustainable micro-irrigation system in Syria created by the AANES in southern Afrin.]]
Responding to the needs of the Kurdish movement across [[Place:Kurdistan|Kurdistan]], Öcalan's studies resulting in ''democratic confederalism'' addressed various aspects of Kurdish society in the fields of [[Social:Anthropology|anthropology]], [[Social:Linguistics|linguistics]], and international politics, [[Finance:International law|international law]], as well as introducing a feminist approach called jineology, the latter in particular having been inspired by the struggle of women in the PKK and Sakine Cansiz.{{sfn|Dirik|2016|loc=chpt. 3}} His greatest theoretical inspirations came from [[Philosophy:Social ecology (Bookchin)|social ecology]] and libertarian municipalism as formulated by the American anarchist [[Biography:Murray Bookchin|Murray Bookchin]].{{sfn|Dirik|2016|loc=chpt. 2}}{{sfn|Bookchin|2018}} In his works, Bookchin argues that the domination and destruction of nature is the continuation of the domination of [[Biology:Human|human beings]] by each other, including through the forms of [[Philosophy:Capitalism|capitalism]] and the [[Social:Nation state|nation-state]]. Establishing a connection between the [[Earth:Ecological crisis|ecological crisis]] and social hierarchy, the American philosopher observes that the [[Social:Social structure|social structure]] of humanity needs to be rethought and transformed from a destructive hierarchical society to an ecological social society that maintains a balance between its parts and whose communities can organize their lives independently.{{sfn|Bookchin|2006}}{{sfn|Bookchin|2007}}{{sfn|Stokols|2018|p=33}}

{{multiple image
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Admiring Bookchin's concepts, Öcalan developed a critical view of [[Social:Nationalism|nationalism]] and the nation-state that led him to interpret peoples' right to self-determination as "the basis for the establishment of a basic democracy, without the need to seek new political frontiers".{{sfn|Bookchin|2018}} Based on this, Öcalan proposes that a political solution for the Kurdish people does not involve the foundation of a new national state, but the constitution of a [[Social:Democracy|democratic]], [[Social:Decentralization|decentralized]] and [[Autonomy|autonomous]] system of [[Physics:Self-organization|self-organization]] in the form of a [[Social:Confederation|confederation]].{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=21–32}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=31–36}}{{sfn|Dirik|2016|loc=chpt. 2}}

{{Blockquote|I offer the Turkish society a simple solution. We demand a democratic nation. We are not opposed to the unitary state and republic. We accept the republic, its unitary structure and laicism. However, we believe that it must be redefined as a democratic state respecting peoples, cultures and rights. On this basis, the Kurds must be free to organize in a way that they can live their culture and language and can develop economically and ecologically. This would allow Kurds, Turks and other cultures to come together under the roof of a democratic nation in Turkey. This is only possible, though, with a democratic constitution and an advanced legal framework warranting respect for different cultures.Our idea of a democratic nation is not defined by flags and borders. Our idea of a democratic nation embraces a model based on democracy instead of a model based on state structures and ethnic origins. Turkey needs to define itself as a country which includes all ethnic groups. This would be a model based on human rights instead of religion or race. Our idea of a democratic nation embraces all ethnic groups and cultures.|Abdullah Öcalan|War and peace in Kurdistan, 2008.{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|p=39}}}}

==== Main points ====
[[File:Peace for Afrin @ Berlin.jpg|thumb|Protest in support of Democratic confederalism and the Rojava revolution against genocide, in Berlin, {{wipe|Germany}} 2018]]
The main principles of ''democratic confederalism'' can be summarized in:{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=21–32}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2008|pp=31–36}}{{sfn|Öcalan|2011|pp=35–44}}

* The new political, philosophical and [[Philosophy:Ideology|ideological approaches]] of the Kurdish liberation movement finds its most appropriate expression in the so-called [[Social:Democratic socialism|democratic socialism]]. A [[Social:Freedom|free]] [[Place:Kurdistan|Kurdistan]] is only conceivable as a [[Social:Democracy|democratic]] Kurdistan.
* The Kurdish movement does not work for creating a Kurdish nation-state based on the [[Social:Self-determination|right of self-determination of peoples]], but considers this right "''as the basis for the establishment of grassroots democracies''" without aiming new political borders and is seeking to a system of democratic self-organization in Kurdistan with the features of a confederation that "''provides a frame-work within which inter alia minorities, [[Religion:Religion|religious communities]], [[Philosophy:Multiculturalism|cultural groups]], [[Biology:Gender|gender-specific groups]] and other societal groups''" can organize themselves autonomously.
* The democratization process in Kurdistan encompasses "''a broad societal project aiming at the economic, social and political sovereignty of all parts of the society''", as well as the creation of necessary institutions and the elaboration of instruments that guarantee and enable society self-government and democratic control, in which each decision-making process (organized in open councils, municipal councils, [[Social:Parliament|local and general parliaments]]) should have the direct involvement of local communities. A self-government model allow a more adequate implementation of basic values such as [[Social:Freedom|freedom]] and equality.
* The solution of the Kurdish question should be tried together with a process of [[Social:Democratization|democratization]] not only of all countries that exercise [[Social:Hegemony|hegemonic power]] over the different parts of [[Place:Kurdistan|Kurdistan]], but also extends across the entire [[Place:Middle East|Middle East]]. A new democratic policy, however, could only exist from [[Social:Political party|democratic parties]] and their affiliated institutions "committed to the interests of the society instead of fulfilling state orders".
* While this [[Social:Democratization|democratic reforms]] is not yet possible, a peaceful coexistence with the [[Social:Nation state|nation-state]] is admitted as long as there is no intervention in central issues of self-government or attempts at [[Social:Cultural assimilation|social assimilation]], as well as this coexistence does not mean acceptance of its "classic state structure with its [[Social:Despotism|despotic attitude of power]]". At the end of this process of subjection to democratic reforms, the nation-state must become a more modest political institution, functioning as a social authority that observes functions only in the fields of internal security and in the provision of [[Social:Social services|social services]], and its state-related [[Social:Westphalian sovereignty|sovereign rights]] are only limited.
* The [[Medicine:Health system|health system]] and the right to [[Social:First language|native language]] and culture education must be warranted by both state and [[Social:Civil society|civil society]].
* The freedom and rights of women must be a strategic part of the fight for freedom and democracy in Kurdistan, as well as the environmental protection must be taken seriously during the process of social change.
* The [[Philosophy:Individualism|individual freedoms]] of expression and [[Social:Freedom of choice|choice]] are irrevocable. Freedom of information is not only an individual right, but an important social issue who depends on the existence of an independent [[Social:Media (communication)|media]] whose [[Biology:Communication|communication]] with the public is marked by democratic balance. 
* The economic resources are not the property of the state but of the society'','' and its [[Philosophy:Redistribution of income and wealth|just redistribution]] is also extremely essential "for the liberation process of the society". An economy committed to the population should also be based on the implementation of an [[Finance:Economic policy|alternative economic policy]] that does not aim solely at [[Finance:Profit (economics)|profit]], but a [[Sharing economy|production based on sharing]] and in satisfying basic natural needs for all.

=== Implementation ===
On June 1, 2005, the PKK officially adopted the ''democratic confederalism'' program at the end of the 3rd General Assembly of the People's Congress of Kurdistan ({{lang|ku-latn|Kongra Gelê Kurdistan}}).{{CN|date=January 2023}}

Thereafter, the Kurdish liberation movement began to form clandestine assemblies immediately in [[Place:Turkey|Turkey]], [[Place:Syria|Syria]] and Iraq, which in 2007 resulted in the creation of the [[Organization:Kurdistan Communities Union|Kurdistan Communities Union]] ({{lang|ku-latn|Koma Civakên Kurdistan}}, KCK), the [[Organization:Political organisation|organization]] established to put into effect Öcalan's concept.{{sfn|Çandar|2012|p=82}}{{sfn|Maur|Staal|2015|p=174–175}} The KCK brings together Kurdish political parties such as Democratic Union Party ({{lang|ku-latn|Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat}}, PYD), Kurdistan Free Life Party ({{lang|ku-latn|Partiya Jiyana Azad to Kurdistanê}}, PJAK), and Kurdistan Democratic Solution Party ({{lang|ku-latn|Partî Çareserî Dîmukratî Kurdistan}}, PÇDK); civil society organizations; and armed groups in all countries in the region over the different parts of Kurdistan.{{sfn|Çandar|2012|p=82}}{{sfn|Kurban|2014}}

[[File:Kurdish YPG Fighters (22017659974).jpg|thumb|YPJ members in a greenhouse farm, for ecological cooperative farming]]
Inspired by the project of democratic confederalism, mayors of the Party of the Democratic Society Party ({{lang|ku-latn|Demokratik Toplum Partisi}}, DTP) started a fight for [[Philosophy:Individual and group rights|collective rights]] of a political nature in Turkey through civil disobedience campaigns.{{sfn|Kurban|2014}} Challenging the laws that prohibit the official use of the [[Social:Kurdish languages|Kurdish language]], these politicians begin to use the municipal services and dispatch official correspondence in Kurdish, to reinsert Kurdish names in public places and to spend resources for the development and spread of the Kurdish language.{{sfn|Kurban|2014}} However, these policies made the DTP mayors and deputies targets of judicial harassment,{{sfn|REFWorld|2010}} and the Kurdish party was banned by the Turkish Constitutional Court in 2009.{{sfn|Tait|2009}}{{sfn|Nationalia|2009}}

It was during the Civil War in Syria that an opportunity arose to implement Ocalan's new political doctrine deeply, after the PYD declared the autonomy of three cantons in [[Place:Rojava|Rojava]], a region comprising parts of the north and northeast of Syrian territory.{{sfn|Shilton|2019}}{{sfn|Enzinna|2015}}{{sfn|White|2015|pp=126–149}} Creating a political entity opposed to the capitalist nation-state, Rojava experienced an original experience of [[Social:Democracy|democratic]], [[Social:Decentralization|decentralized]] and [[Social:Anarchism|non-hierarchical]] society,{{sfn|Pluto|2016}} based on [[Social:Feminism|feminist]], [[Earth:Ecology|ecology]], [[Philosophy:Multiculturalism|cultural pluralism]], co-operative [[Sharing economy|sharing economy]] ideas, and participatory politics and consensual construction.{{sfn|Malik|2019}}{{sfn|Krajeski|2019}}{{sfn|Marcus|2020}}

== See also ==
* [[Philosophy:Social ecology (Bookchin)|Social ecology]]
* [[Philosophy:Libertarian socialism|Libertarian socialism]]
* [[Social:Neozapatismo|Neozapatismo]]
* [[Social:Autonomism|Autonomism]]

== Notes ==
{{reflist|30em|group=nb}}

== References ==
=== Citations ===
{{Reflist|20em}}

=== Sources ===
{{Refbegin|30em}}
* {{cite news |last=Biehl |first=Janet |title=Bookchin, Öcalan, and the Dialectics of Democracy |url=http://new-compass.net/articles/bookchin-%C3%B6calan-and-dialectics-democracy |publisher=New Compass |date=16 February 2012 |access-date=6 July 2020 |language=en |archive-date=1 April 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160401092904/http://new-compass.net/articles/bookchin-%C3%B6calan-and-dialectics-democracy |url-status=dead }}
* {{cite news |last1=Bookchin |first1=Debbie |url=https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2018/06/15/how-my-fathers-ideas-helped-the-kurds-create-a-new-democracy/ |title=How My Father's Ideas Helped the Kurds Create a New Democracy |publisher=The New York Review of Books |date=15 June 2018 |access-date=6 July 2020 |language=en }}
* {{cite book |last=Bookchin |first=Murray |title=Social Ecology and Communalism |url=http://new-compass.net/sites/new-compass.net/files/Bookchin%27s%20Social%20Ecology%20and%20Communalism.pdf |isbn=978-1-904859-49-9 |year=2006 |publisher=AK Press |access-date=6 July 2020 |language=en |archive-date=24 November 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201124111812/http://new-compass.net/sites/new-compass.net/files/Bookchin%27s%20Social%20Ecology%20and%20Communalism.pdf |url-status=dead }}
* {{cite web |author-last=Bookchin |author-first=Murray |title=What is Social Ecology? |url=http://www.psichenatura.it/fileadmin/img/M._Bookchin_What_is_Social_Ecology.pdf |year=2007 |publisher=psichenatura.it |access-date=6 July 2020 |language=en }}
* {{cite book |author-last=Çandar |author-first=Cengiz |translator-first=Suzan |translator-last=Bölme |title=Leaving the mountain: How may the PKK lay down arms? Freeing the Kurdish Question from violence |url=https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/142286/12028ENGsilahsizlandirma16_03_12Rev1.pdf |location=Istanbul |publisher=Tesev |isbn=978-605-5832-02-5 |year=2012 |pages=113 |access-date=6 July 2020 |language=en }}
* {{cite book |editor1-last=Dirik |editor1-first=Dilar |editor1-link=Dilar Dirik |editor2-last=Strauss |editor2-first=David Levi |editor2-link=David Levi Strauss |editor3-last=Taussig |editor3-first=Michael |editor3-link=Michael Taussig |editor4-last=Wilson |editor4-first=Peter Lamborn |editor4-link=Peter Lamborn Wilson |title=To Dare Imagining: Rojava Revolution |year=2016 |location=New York |publisher=Autonomedia |publication-date=2016 |page=160 |isbn=978-1570273124 |language=en |ref=CITEREFDirik2016}}
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{{Refend}}

== External links ==
* [http://ocalanbooks.com/downloads/democratic-confederalism.pdf Democratic confederalism manifesto] (in [[PDF]])


[[Category:Ecology]]
[[Category:Political theories]]

{{Sourceattribution|Democratic confederalism}}